Ijok & The Nasi & Lauk Story

ORIGINALLY POSTED ON notwoxer
Picture Source: MALAYSIAKINI
I rarely delve into politics, as I tend to get emotional about non-delivery be it for the coffee that I ordered or when politicians take us citizens more as their subjects - and thus are at their whims - rather than peers.

But Zainon Ahmad’s analysis of the Ijok by-election (It’s The Nasi & Lauk That Matter, The Sun April 30 2007: see end of post) piqued my interest. To be fair, Ijok was a minor tremor that made many Malaysians stand up and take notice of democracy and their rights as a Malaysian.

ZA asked a few questions, and I shall try to make sense of this. Pak Non, I’m not in any way against your piece ya, and I’m not saying that because I technically work for you!

So there are corruption and nepotism… but like poverty, are’nt they supposed (sic) to be normal phenomena?

Sorry sir, but if we accept those as normal, are’nt we just the sickest of the lot? Corruption spells inequality, and the last time I checked democracy is all about that.

What jot of a difference will (change and reformasi) make to their (Ijokians) lives?
Plenty. A change into a leadership that practices democracy and transparency - not that I’m assuming PKR can achieve this - will bring about a society that respects the law, one that ensures that nobody feels any lesser than another. It will be truly about capability, not cable-bility.

Did (Anwar Ibrahim) think of Ijok then?
Err… no. He was part of them. Enough said.

What has distant Mongolia and submarines got to do with (Ijokians)?
If Ijok is a part of Malaysia, plenty actually. Because if the accusations are true, then what we have is corruption and power-abuse at its worst. And whether you’re in downtown KL or in Padang Siding in Perlis, it matters.

And if people suddenly appeared and began repairing their dilapidated mosques, temples and churches, why say no?

Because if it was sincere, it would have been done when it first needed repairing.

Is it so strange that they should thank the giver (BN, for land approvals although delayed)?
Well… duh!

I remember writing to a newspaper back in the late 1900s (I love that term!), moaning the fact that in Malaysia, traffic police action was usually limited to special operations (Ops Gelap for tinted glass , Ops Lesen for expired licences etc.).

That’s exactly what is happening with these so-called elected representatives. When an election comes, RM36 million worth of projects were directed to be approved and implemented in an unbelievable two weeks!

The often told story is that if a VVIP was to visit an area, then roads are paved, buildings are painted, amenities are upgraded. ZA said in his analysis why not?

My question is why not before the visit?

If Malaysians continue to go for the nasi and lauk strategy as ZA puts it, then one day they may find that that is all they’ll get. What was the saying again? Give a man a fish and he’ll eat for a day, teach him to fish and he’ll eat for a lifetime.

Perhaps not totally appropriate here, but the truth is Malaysians must demand that they get the rice field and not just the nasi, the hatchery and not just the kari ayam.

Ijok may yet be a victory for Malaysia’s democratic process and delivery system. The opportunity exists for the Deputy Prime Minister and Selangor Chief Minister to make good their pledges of taking care of the town.

The opportunity exists for the government to show that they are not beyond proper

It’s a long shot I know, but we all live in hope don’t we?

Good luck Malaysia.

Zainon Ahmad's article (can't seem to find the weblink):

It's the nasi and lauk that matter
by Zainon Ahmad in The Sun

BATANG BERJUNTAI (April 30, 2007): In the final analysis it all comes down to bread and butter issues or maybe just bread and butter – or nasi and lauk (supporting dishes).

The people of Ijok are simple rural folk for whom nasi and lauk are far more immediate and important than participatory democracy or constitutional guarantees.

So there are corruption and nepotism, they asked, but like poverty, aren’t they suppose to be normal phenomena everywhere. What is change and what is reformasi? What jot of a difference will they make to their lives? Yes, they remember the jailing of former deputy prime minister Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim but that was so long ago. Did he think of Ijok then? What has distant Mongolia and submarines got to do with them?

To them they are nice stories, perhaps as entertaining as the variety shows put up by the various troupes every night in Pekan Ijok or as exciting as the performances by "MGR" and MIC president Datuk Seri S. Samy Vellu. But for the people of Malay-majority Ijok – Malay 52%, Indian 28% and Chinese 20% – all they want is to have rice on their tables and assurances that they will have it, and lots of it, everyday and with some lauk, of course.

If they can have better clothes, too, why not. And why not also better houses, paved streets that reach right to the front of their houses, better, wider and pothole-free roads, street lamps and traffic lights. And if people suddenly appeared and began repairing their dilapidated mosques, temples and churches, why say no. And if the government promises to approve their applications for land – which have been sitting in the land office for so long, some as long as a generation – on which to build their houses and plant their vegetables, is it so strange that they should thank the giver.

True, they have been overlooked for some time but the government made up for the years of neglect by bringing forward projects meant for them years ahead. And the government not only said sorry but Deputy Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Abdul Razak and Selangor Mentri Besar Datuk Seri Khir Toyo even promised to look after Ijok.

Against all that the government gave and promised to give as pledged by Prime Minister Datuk Seri Abdullah Badawi, Najib and Khir, there was little Parti Keadilan Rakyat leader Anwar Ibrahim, candidate Tan Sri Khalid Ibrahim, president Wan Azizah Ismail and other officials of the party could do to prevent the haemorrhage of votes from its mainstay of support – the Malays. About 60% of the Malay votes went to Keadilan in 2004 and BN won only on the support of the Chinese and Indians from Batang Berjuntai, Sungai Darah and Tuan Mee.

And it was earlier thought that was how the voting pattern for this by-election was going to be, especially after it became known that MIC’s K. Parthiban was the candidate despite calls by Umno grassroots leaders that a Malay should be nominated. But once the tide was turned, it remained irreversible despite Keadilan campaigners’ continued insistence right up to polling day for Malay voters to vote the opposition party as its candidate is a Malay.

Thus, BN was able to wrest the Malay-majority polling districts of Jaya Setia, Bukit Badong, and Simpang Ijok from Keadilan while causing it to retreat somewhat in Kampung Ijok. Most of the Indian voters remained loyal to the MIC as can be seen in the Indian-majority constituency of Tuan Mee, where out of the 788 Indian voters and 219 Malay voters, Keadilan only managed to get 145 votes. So was in Indian-majority Sungai Darah – 598 Indian voters and 506 Malay voters – where Keadilan netted only 192 votes.

But it was the Chinese voters, whom BN was counting on earlier, who disappointed the coalition. BN noticed the mood swing early and quickly went on a huge offensive in Malay areas. There was something that Anwar said that made sense to them. Though Keadilan put up a credible fight against all that the BN was able to bring to bear on it, what is clear is that the party failed to re-ignite the kind of interest it was able to kindle in 1999.

There was no fresh approaches. It campaigned the way the BN and Umno conduct their campaigns – understandably so as most of its leaders came from there – but lacks the resources of the coalition and its main party.

And because Anwar himself was out in the battle field, his party’s failure will reflect badly on his leadership and his capability of trying to wield together the disparate opposition into a formidable force to challenge the BN whenever the general election is called – which may be sooner rather than later.